For the Songye, one of the major groups in the Congo River basin, as well as the Bakongo, after whom the region is named, the world was a constant arena...
For the Songye, one of the major groups in the Congo River basin, as well as the Bakongo, after whom the region is named, the world was a constant arena for conflict. On one side were the benevolent ancestral spirits who, having once lived in the village, remembered their time there, and continued to maintain a protective and nurturing relationship with their descendants. On the other were the bakisi, emissaries from the land of the dead, who showed up only when the ancestors were displeased. They brought with them all kinds of misfortunes and hardships to confront the living. To engage with these powerful spiritual entities, both the Songye and the Bakongo communities relied o the intercession of the nganga (plural banganga), ritual specialists who were believed to have a unique connection with the ancestors. Banganga were not only revered for their deep spiritual knowledge, but also for their ability to communicate directly with the spirit world (bulu), serving as mediators between the living and the dead. This privileged connection allowed banganga to harness the potent spiritual energies of the ancestors, a process that was materialised through the creation an maintenance of minkisi (singular, nkisi).
Often known by their reductive Western designation of ‘power figures’, minkisi were more than mere objects: they were vessels, designed to contain and channel spiritual power. These vessels could take various forms – ceramic pots, gourds, horns, shells, or even bundles of textiles – and were filled with substances believed to be imbued with magical properties, known collectively as bilongo. Consisting of material relating to a specific ancestor, bilongo might include elements such as grave dirt, sacrificial blood, bone fragments, or other substances considered to be spiritually potent. The inclusion of bilongo was essential for establishing a connection with the spirit world, infusing the nkisi with the powerful essence of the ancestors. The strength of an nkisi was directly related to the power of the ancestor associated with its bilongo; thus, an nkisi linked to an especially significant ancestor could exert a particularly considerable influence. Over time, minkisi evolved in terms of form and function, becoming figural representations of the ancestors (or an idealised hypothetical ancestor) themselves. These figural minkisi became central figures in the social and spiritual life of the community. No longer were they seen as supplementary objects of spiritual significance; now, they became active participants in community affairs, embodying the wisdom and the authority of the ancestors. The power of these figures was mediated through the person of the nganga, whose role was crucial in interpreting the will of the spirits and in guiding the community according to the advice, utterances and magical interventions provided by the nkisi.
Most nkisi were male. They followed a standard format: a stocky, well-built male figure would be depicted in a semi-crouching position, legs bent as though ready to spring into action. The belly would be exaggeratedly distended, usually with one hand placed on either side, and containing a cavity at the position of the navel where the bilongo would be encased, often behind a reflective material such as glass. Since reflective materials contain a miniaturised image of the world in reverse, they were thought to be windows into a parallel dimension of the spirit world (bulu). The figure was often highly decorated, usually with brass tacks, clothing made from textiles and animal skins, and a horn which protruded from the top of the figure, and was often taken directly from local fauna. Filled with potent substances, like medicinal herbs or human or animal remains, horns served as containers for the spiritual power (bishimba) of the figure. Representing aggression and strength, horns were revered for their connection to the spirit of the animal from whence they came, as well as their capacity to rip through the veil between the human and spirit worlds.
In this case, however, the nkisi is of a rarer type: she is female. While male nkisi were known simply as nkisi, female nkisi were known as nkisi wa so (literally ‘female nkisi’), in order to emphasise their feminine aspect. They were distinguished by their exaggerated depictions of the organs of generation and nurturing, including often-pendulous breasts, wide hips, accentuated buttocks, and highlighted genitalia. This nkisi wa so is of an exceptionally large and aesthetically fascinating type. While stocky and well-built, with powerful legs, she is abnormally tall and slender for an nkisi of either gender. The long arms of the figure are positioned close to the body, with hands resting on the abdomen, in a pose which may indicate the channeling of spiritual energy via the bilongo encased in the now-empty cavity at the navel. The legs are slightly bent, creating a sense of readiness and movement, as though the figure is poised to act on behalf of those who call upon it. The feet are firmly planted on the base, emphasising the nkisi’s connection to the Earth and its role aas a stabilising force in the community. The face of this nkisi is especially intricate and expressive. Rather than the rather basic coffee-bean eyes often seen in Songye sculpture – supposed to mimic the facial expression of the recently deceased – this figure has more figurative eyes, with pronounced pupils, heavily lidded in a sympathetic and accurate portrayal of death. Her mouth is open, with small sharp teeth, in a position which would seem to indicate the capacity of the figure to speak when called upon.
This figure is also enhanced by a number of additions to the main structure of the figure. Most notable, perhaps, is the hair, which is made of braided fibres which most likely include actual human hair. In addition, feathers and animal skins are included in the coiffure, for decorative reasons, but also probably as an indication of status. The addition of animal parts – both in the coiffure and the clothes – also brought to bear the power of the animal to the statue. The figure is also adorned with brass tacks, which represent both the scarifications which were worn by the senior members of the Songye tribe, but also the bright glow of the sun. The statue is also adorned with horn-necklaces, another indicator of status and of the animal power of the object. Metal spatulas and anklets also enhance the magical potency of the figure, with the sharpness and strength of the metal representing the figure’s ability to cut through evil, deliver justice, or protect against malevolent forces. These accoutrements taken together indicate not only a magical being – the packets of extra bilongo hung around the neck emphasise this point – but also one of the chiefly class. By making this figure appear equivalent to a chief, it is imbued with a kind of extra power, and perhaps this gives us a hint as to the identity of the deceased to whom the bilongo once encased in the reliquary cavity of the stomach relates. The related Kongo people had a famous category of minkisi, the nkisi mangaaka, nearly life-sized minkisi which bore the accoutrements of a chief. These figures were believed to be the most potent, and while many minkisi were created at the behest of individuals within the village to help with their own relatively petty problems, the nkisi mangaaka was only commissioned by the tribal chief, and was employed in finding solutions at a societal level. It is possible that this Songye nkisi, also attired like a chief, may have been used in a similar way, as a pillar around which the community could revolve rather than being used in a private manner. The care with which this nkisi was made reflects both the stratified nature of Songye society as a whole – the entire region was governed by a Paramount Chief, known as a yakitenge, who was advised by a council of village chiefs and elders, who disseminated his rulings to the people – as well as the relatively egalitarian ethos of the individual village, where chiefs to a greater or lesser extent delegated power to the ancestors through the use of minkisi.